(OP: I'm posting two articles, because I think the second really informs the reading of the first. Also, just as a warning, the first article is from 'The Economist' so... yeah. Also the trigger warnings are mostly for the second article.)
Will the economy be NEEEFcapped?
Namibia’s president is flirting with racial quotas
Such policies did not work out well in Zimbabwe
Hage Geingob is in a bind. After years of perkiness, Namibia’s economic growth rate shrank from more than 5% in 2015 to a dismal 0.1% last year—and may now have stalled completely. But though President Geingob is an avowed friend of the market and seeks foreign investors, populists within his ruling South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) are calling for measures that would hobble the economy still more, by implementing a draft bill known as the National Equitable Economic Empowerment Framework (NEEEF). It would knee the business class in the groin, especially the white part of it, which still drives the economy.
Under NEEEF, all businesses, however small, would have to be at least 25%-owned by “previously disadvantaged persons”, broadly meaning black Namibians. No company would be allowed to “allot, issue, or register the transfer of any portion of its ownership…to a person that is not previously disadvantaged or to a domestic or foreign enterprise owned by a person that is not previously disadvantaged”. At least half of all company boards and management would have to be black, too.
If NEEEF were enacted, it would probably be abused by ruling-party bigwigs to grab stakes in other people’s businesses in the name of uplifting the previously disadvantaged, as has happened in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Many white-owned businesses would close, and foreign investors would shy away. So Mr Geingob, hitherto more pragmatic and business-minded than his two presidential predecessors, seems loth to go ahead with the bill, first put forward in 2015. But a souring political mood has revived talk of NEEEF. He has also spoken recently of expropriating white-owned land, albeit with fair compensation, another recipe for clobbering productivity. His prime minister, egged on by the country’s first president, Sam Nujoma, who still hankers after the socialism espoused during SWAPO’s long years in exile, is said to be a NEEEFer.
Calls for black empowerment resonate because, although Namibia is deemed a middle-income country with bountiful reserves of minerals (in particular diamonds and uranium), a tiny population (2.3m) and a prosperous if small black middle class, it is also one of the world’s most unequal. Poverty is rife. Some 40% of the population still live in shacks. The unemployment rate, some reckon, is at least 40%.
Mr Geingob was elected in 2014 with a whopping 87% of the vote. Yet he is sounding unusually twitchy in the run-up to a party congress later in the year, at which he is likely to be re-elected as party leader, but may find a new vice-president breathing down his neck.
Aged 75, he hails from a minority group, the Damara, numbering barely 7% of the population, whereas power in SWAPO has in the past been held mainly by the Ovambo, who account for half of Namibians. Many still look to the wily, ruthless 87-year-old Mr Nujoma, who ran the party as a fief for 45 years until his official retirement in 2005.
One reason for the economy’s sickness is the collapse of the building industry, which relied on a string of big government-funded projects that can no longer be afforded. A class of rich black businessmen, known as “tenderpreneurs”, invariably well-connected to SWAPO, has benefited hugely from NEEEF-like contracts. This is causing resentment in the densely populated slums of Windhoek, the capital.
While a chunk of the SWAPO old guard regards Mr Geingob with suspicion, another wing backs a self-styled revolutionary faction calling for “affirmative repositioning”. One of its leaders, Job Amupanda, a bearded 29-year-old university lecturer, espouses “Fanonian Marxism with Namibian characteristics”, admires Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters in South Africa and Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe. He also calls for the expropriation of land. “We want urban land for our youth and if we don’t get it we’ll take it,” he says.
Mr Geingob will probably, for the moment, fend off his rivals. But it is unclear whether, in doing so, he will feel obliged to make populist concessions along the lines of NEEEF. Most reckon he won’t. If he did, he might buy himself time, yet send Namibia’s economy further down the drain.
Germany Grapples With Its African Genocide
(OP: Video is at the at the source.)
More than 100 years after a genocide of the Herero people in Namibia, Germany is acknowledging its role. Listen to a Herero elder recounting the story he heard from his forefathers.
WATERBERG, Namibia — In this faraway corner of southern Africa, scores of German soldiers lie in a military cemetery, their names, dates and details engraved on separate polished tombstones.
Easily missed is a single small plaque on the cemetery wall that gives a nod in German to the African “warriors” who died in the fighting as well. Nameless, they are among the tens of thousands of Africans killed in what historians have long considered — and what the German government is now close to recognizing — as the 20th century’s first genocide.
A century after losing its colonial possessions in Africa, Germany and its former colony, Namibia, are now engaged in intense negotiations to put an end to one of the ugliest chapters of Europe’s past in Africa.
During German rule in Namibia, called South-West Africa back then, colonial officers studying eugenics developed ideas on racial purity, and their forces tried to exterminate two rebellious ethnic groups, the Herero and Nama, some of them in concentration camps.
“It will be described as genocide,” Ruprecht Polenz, Germany’s special envoy to the talks, said of a joint statement that the two governments are preparing. Negotiations, which began this year, are now also focusing on how Germany will compensate and apologize to Namibia.
The events in Namibia between 1904 and 1908 foreshadowed Nazi ideology and the Holocaust. Yet the genocide in this former colony remains little known in Germany, the rest of Africa and, to some extent, even in Namibia itself.
Throughout Namibia, monuments and cemeteries commemorating the German occupiers still outnumber those honoring the victims of genocide, a concrete reminder of the lasting imbalance of power.
“Some of us want to remove that cemetery so that we can put our own people there,” said Magic Urika, 26, who lives about an hour away from the cemetery here in Waterberg. “What they did was a terrible thing, killing our people, saying all the Herero should be eliminated.”
While Germany’s efforts to atone for crimes during World War II are well known, it took a century before the nation began taking steps to acknowledge that genocide happened in Namibia decades before the Holocaust.
About 80 percent of all Herero, who numbered as many as 100,000, are believed to have eventually died. Many perished after the battle of Waterberg: They were shot, hanged from trees or died in the desert, where the Germans sealed off watering holes and also prevented survivors from returning.
Even after the centennial of the Namibian genocide in 2004, Germany’s willingness to acknowledge it officially has proceeded so slowly — and, to critics, grudgingly — that it has set off accusations of racism in how the victims in Europe and Africa have been treated.
“The only difference is that the Jewish are white in color and we are black,” said Sam Kambazembi, 51, a traditional Herero chief whose great-grandparents fled during the genocide. “The Germans thought they could keep this issue under the carpet and the world would never know about it. But now we have made noise.”
But Mr. Kambazembi and other leaders are also quick to blame domestic politics for the delay in recognition.
After Germany lost its African colonies during World War I, Namibia slipped under the control of South Africa’s white-minority government until 1990, largely making talk of the genocide taboo.
(OP: The map is from this source, since the map from the article didn't come out right.)
After independence, Namibia’s liberation party — South West Africa People’s Organization, or Swapo — took over and governs to this day. But it is dominated by the country’s main ethnic group, the Ovambo, and critics contend that it showed little interest in bringing up the genocide against the Herero and Nama.
The Swapo-led government has also depended greatly on foreign aid, especially from its biggest donor, Germany.
For years, Mr. Kambazembi, a longtime member of Swapo, said he had unsuccessfully pressed fellow party leaders to emphasize the genocide issue.
“They make as if they listen, but then maybe when they go, they say, ‘That one is a Herero’ — I don’t know,” he said.
Namibia was Germany’s most prized African colony, the one that attracted thousands of German settlers, who grabbed land and cattle from local residents.
That drew fierce resistance from the Herero, traditional cattle herders, and the Nama. To quell it, Lothar von Trotha, a military commander who had earned a fierce reputation in Germany’s possessions in Asia and East Africa, was deployed to Namibia to lead the “Schutztruppe,” or protection force.
In 1904, he issued a warning that “every Herero, with or without rifles, with or without cattle, will be shot.” He said he would no longer take in women or children, but “drive them back to their people or have them shot.”
In 1905, Trotha issued a similar warning to the Nama, 10,000 of whom are estimated to have died as a result.
Stories of the deaths in the desert were passed down quietly in Herero families — usually around a fire at night.
Marama Kavita, 43, a Herero activist in Okakarara, a town about an hour from Waterberg, said he heard stories from his grandmother, who fled to what is now Botswana as a child during the genocide.
“Whenever I asked her about this, she always said a word or two, and then started crying,” he said. “If you would see an old lady like that crying, it also transferred to you that emotion, the hatred.”
Over the decades, Nama communities also kept alive the memories of the genocide in cultural festivals, handing down songs about the war and re-enacting wartime episodes, said Memory Biwa, a researcher at the University of Namibia who has compiled an oral history of the genocide.
The genocide memorial in Windhoek, the Namibian capital.
, Hoachanas’s traditional chief, said that the loss of lives, property and land during the genocide were still being felt in his community, where there are no paved roads and many people live in shacks.
. The Namibian government, they say, will spread future money from the Germans to unaffected ethnic groups or, worse, simply pocket it.
, chairwoman of the Ovaherero Genocide Foundation.
, said that Herero and Nama officials were already involved and would continue to be when Namibia receives compensation from the Germans.
, the Germans say, adding that the convention cannot be applied retroactively to past genocides. That is also why Germany is refusing to negotiate directly with the Herero and the Nama, because discussions would fall under reparations, said Mr. Polenz, the German special envoy.
, a German historian and expert on Namibia.
OP: Please heed the trigger warnings.